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The Turkish leadership considers the Kurds within the framework of the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923. According to this act, Kurds are not representatives of national minorities. Armenians, Greeks and Jews in particular were included among those. It follows from this that Turkey has the opportunity not to take into account certain international provisions of a recommendation type. So, for example, in paragraph 1 of art. 2 of the Declaration "On the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities" states: "Persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities (hereinafter referred to as persons belonging to minorities) have the right to enjoy the heritage of their culture, profess their religion and practice religious rites, as well as use their language in private and in public, freely and without interference or discrimination in any form."Assessing the historical elements of the development of the Kurdish ethnic group, we can conclude that the Kurds are the indigenous population of Turkey. However, the actual absence of this term at the regulatory level and the use of a "working" definition does not give any chance to implement the provisions of the UN Declaration "On the Rights of Indigenous Peoples". Development in this case involves a change in legislation at the national level, as well as the actual implementation of novels. It seems that the main link of the changes could be Article 4 of this UN Declaration, which states: "Indigenous peoples, when exercising their right to self-determination, have the right to autonomy or self-government in matters related to their internal and local affairs, as well as ways and means of financing their autonomous function." []One of the most effective elements of protecting the rights of peoples, including the right to self-determination, are the provisions of the so-called "solid" law. Consider the provision of paragraph 2 of Article 1 of the UN Charter: "The UN pursues the goals: to develop friendly relations between nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, as well as to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace". This principle has been further developed in other international acts. This is also the International Covenant "On Economic, Social and Cultural Rights". But what is the springboard for the actual implementation of the principle of the "right of peoples to self-determination", within the framework of the question posed, and its relationship with the principle of territorial integrity of States? Let us turn to the Declaration on the Principles of International Law of 1970. It contains an interpretation of aspects of the correlation between the principles of self-determination and the territorial integrity of States, the so-called "safety clause". It is designed to protect the state from unjustified separatist sentiments.[]Scientists believe that three conditions follow from the above norm, in the presence of which self-determination is unacceptable, violating the territorial integrity of the state: 1) the State must comply with the principle of equality and self-determination in its actions; 2) the state must have a government representing all the people living in the country; 3) at the same time, no discrimination should be manifested. At the same time, priority should be given to preserving the unity of the state, otherwise it may be questioned. As can be seen from the above three conditions, the main one in our opinion is the first one. Hindering the development of legitimate Kurdish political forces, taking into account the government's policy, violates all three conditions. An example of unjustified oppression of the Kurdish political movement is the dissolution of the Democratic Society Party. In December 2009, it was unanimously dissolved by the Constitutional Court, which led to the liquidation and transfer of its property to the treasury. At the same time, the co-chairmen of the party were deprived of parliamentary powers. Finally, 37 members were effectively deprived of the opportunity to express their interests through work in Parliament. The position of the ECHR on this issue was that there were no reasons that would justify the dissolution of the party.In 2011, the Union of Kurdish Non-Governmental Organizations "Congress of Democratic Society" announced the creation of Kurdish autonomy within Turkey. At the same time, the chairman of the Congress, AyselTughluk, said: "The Kurdish people have declared autonomy, remaining committed to the national unity of Turkey and its territorial integrity. We are based on democratic principles. The Kurdish problem can be solved only by recognizing the Kurdish people as a separate and equal group" [2]. The proclamation of autonomy took place during the next peak of tension caused by the shooting in Diyarbekir. The top officials of the state negatively perceived this fact. The then President of Turkey, Abdullah Gul, spoke in the spirit of the impossibility of bowing to threats and blackmail. andRecepTayyipErdogan, in turn, said that the Kurds will not achieve their goals through violence. Of course, achieving goals through armed actions is unacceptable, but on the other hand, the peaceful settlement of the conflict is complicated by objective reasons[].One of these is the provisions of the Turkish Constitution. In particular, it is possible to deduce the provision that all citizens are Turks. This position, based on the historical features of the formation of ethnic groups within the framework of modern Turkish lands, does not correspond to reality. This axiom is designed to preserve political stability in the country. Also, one of the mechanisms for maintaining stability is the provision of the Constitution on the unitary system of the republic. This fact is aimed at deterring various ethnic groups within the framework of the struggle for self-determination. But ignoring the rights of the peoples of multi-ethnic Turkey, including the Kurdish population, leads to the opposite result.ConclusionThe Kurd factor in Turkish politics is still a key issue in the construction of Turkish domestic and foreign policy. The emergence of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq in the early 1990s caused concern among the Turkish political elite. She was afraid that the Turkish Kurds would perceive this as a precedent or as a sign that could mobilize them for a new round of struggle, which would plunge Eastern Anatolia into chaos. However, by seizing Abdullah Ocalan and making some concessions to the Kurdish minority, the Turkish leadership was able to reduce the intensity of this confrontation.After the adoption of the new Constitution of Iraq in 2005, the Kurdish Region of Iraq was formed. Soon Turkey began to build relations with Erbil and the government of MasoudBarzani. Turkish businesses began investing in the region, and the Turkish military began to interact with the Peshmerga forces. Despite the fact that the Kurdish autonomy in Iraq has begun to play a big role in providing Turkey with oil (in particular, through the Fishhabur-Ceyhan pipeline), the Turkish leadership has spoken out sharply against the prospects of an independent Kurdish state as a result of the referendum on September 25, 2017. In the coming years, Turkey's struggle with the Kurdistan Workers' Party will continue. Turkey will also try to strengthen its influence in Syria and Iraqi Kurdistan under the pretext of fighting the militants of the Kurdistan Workers' Party, which is a matter of national security of the country. It is worth noting that in recent years, the Kurds' desire for independence has been "postponed" and the Kurdish intellectual and party elite is primarily considering the possibility of forming Kurdish autonomy and federalization. Despite such changes in the Kurdish national movement, the central governments of states with a Kurdish minority have not yet sought to grant autonomy to the Kurds (Iraq is an exception). Probably, such a tough position will have negative consequences for the stabilization of the Middle East region, and the "Kurdish factor" will continue to remain one of the main problems in the Middle East/BibliographyAl ObaidiHD.. South-Eastern Anatolia Project and prospects for economic development of Turkey//Fundamental science for universities. Series: "Teacher of the XXI century, 2011.HawalaHoshavi M.H. South Kurdistan: Factors affecting the national identity of Iraqi Kurds//Bulletin of the RUDN. Series: "Sociology", 2017, Issue 17, part 1.Husam Ed din S. Turkey's position on the conflict over the 2003 Iraq crisis and the activation of various areas of Turkish-Iraqi relations after the Iraq War.// Bulletin of the RUDN, Series: "International Relations". Ed. by A.V. Shabaga. M.: RUDN, 2013.Majid M.H. Turkey and the Kurdish question: History and modernity.//News of universities. The North Caucasus region. Series: "Social Sciences", 2010. Issue 5. 2010.
Bibliography
1. Al Obaidi HD.. South-Eastern Anatolia Project and prospects for economic development of Turkey//Fundamental science for universities. Series: "Teacher of the XXI century, 2011.
2. Hawala Hoshavi M.H. South Kurdistan: Factors affecting the national identity of Iraqi Kurds//Bulletin of the RUDN. Series: "Sociology", 2017, Issue 17, part 1.
3. Husam Ed din S. Turkey's position on the conflict over the 2003 Iraq crisis and the activation of various areas of Turkish-Iraqi relations after the Iraq War.// Bulletin of the RUDN, Series: "International Relations". Ed. by A.V. Shabaga. M.: RUDN, 2013.
4. Majid M.H. Turkey and the Kurdish question: History and modernity.//News of universities. The North Caucasus region. Series: "Social Sciences", 2010. Issue 5. 2010.
Вопрос-ответ:
Что говорит Лозаннский договор о курдах?
Согласно Лозаннскому договору 1923 года, курды не признаются национальным меньшинством в Турции. Вместо этого, этот статус присвоен армянам, грекам и евреям. Таким образом, Турция имеет возможность не учитывать некоторые международные нормы по рекомендации, связанные с курдским народом.
Какая возможность у Турции в свете Лозаннского договора?
В свете Лозаннского договора, Турция имеет возможность не учитывать некоторые международные нормы, касающиеся курдов как национального меньшинства. Согласно этому договору, курды не были признаны национальным меньшинством, в отличие от других народностей, таких как армяне, греки и евреи.
Какие этнические группы были признаны национальными меньшинствами в Турции?
Согласно Лозаннскому договору 1923 года, национальными меньшинствами в Турции были признаны армяне, греки и евреи. Однако курды не были включены в этот список и не получили статус национального меньшинства.
Каким образом Турция может не учитывать некоторые международные нормы?
Турция может не учитывать некоторые международные нормы, связанные с курдским народом, в свете Лозаннского договора 1923 года. В этом договоре курды не признаются национальным меньшинством в Турции, в отличие от других этнических групп, таких как армяне, греки и евреи.
Какой статус у курдов в Турции согласно Лозаннскому договору?
Согласно Лозаннскому договору 1923 года, курды не признаются национальным меньшинством в Турции. Они не получили того же статуса, что и другие этнические группы, такие как армяне, греки и евреи, которые были признаны национальными меньшинствами в Турции.
Какие этнические группы были учтены в рамках Лозаннского мирного договора 1923 года по отношению к турецкому руководству?
Согласно этому договору, курды не рассматриваются как представители национальных меньшинств. В действительности, армяне, греки и евреи были включены среди национальных меньшинств, но не курды.
Какая возможность возникает у Турции в связи с Лозаннским договором?
Турция имеет возможность не принимать во внимание некоторые международные нормы рекомендательного характера. Например, пункт 1 статьи 2 Декларации о правах личности не является обязательным для Турции.
Какие этнические группы были учтены в турецком лидерстве в рамках Лозаннского договора 1923 года?
Согласно этому договору, армяне, греки и евреи были учтены в турецком лидерстве как представители национальных меньшинств, в отличие от курдов.
Какие имеются последствия для Турции по отношению к международным нормам?
Турция имеет возможность не учитывать некоторые международные нормы, так как Лозаннский договор дает ей такую возможность. Одна из таких норм - пункт 1 статьи 2 Декларации о правах личности.
Какие национальные меньшинства были включены в рамках Лозаннского мирного договора 1923 года?
Лозаннский мирный договор 1923 года включал армян, греков и евреев в качестве национальных меньшинств. Однако курды не были учтены как национальное меньшинство.
Как воспринимается курдская национальность в Турции?
В турецком лидерстве Курды рассматриваются в рамках Лозаннского Договора о мире 1923 года. Согласно этому документу, Курды не являются представителями национальных меньшинств. Армяне, греки и евреи, в частности, были включены в эту категорию. Это означает, что Турция имеет возможность не принимать во внимание определенные международные рекомендации, например, в пункте 1 статьи 2 Декларации о правах личности.
Какие представители национальных меньшинств включены в Лозаннский Договор?
По Лозаннскому Договору в качестве национальных меньшинств в Турции были включены армяне, греки и евреи. Однако курды не признавались представителями национальных меньшинств по данному документу. Договор дает Турции возможность не принимать во внимание права, рекомендации и положения, касающиеся курдской национальности.